Home Up Globalization & Ecumenism 100 Years of Theology McIntosh



Failure and Success in the Ministry of T.J. McIntosh,
the First Pentecostal Missionary to China*

Daniel Woods, Ph.D.

            If the name T. J. McIntosh registers with anyone here today, it is probably in connection with early Pentecostal Holiness missionary efforts in South China.  But probably he is little more than a name to us, a brief mention in the historical accounts of G. F. Taylor, Joseph Campbell, and others.  We know nothing of his life before 1906 or after 1913--and precious little of intervening half dozen years of his ministry.  We have no photographs.  Only one brief sermon and some scattered published letters have survived.  He did write a small book in 1909 titled The Life and Work of  T. J. McIntosh and Wife and Little Girl, Around the World by Faith, but no scholar has been able to locate a copy.[1]

            Other than the important fact that T. J. McIntosh was the first pentecostal missionary in China, what little we do know is rather troubling.  Always starting things that he never finished, he rarely stayed anywhere more than a few months.  In China he provoked the wrath of a veteran holiness missionary named S. C. Todd, whose brutal letters lampooning the earliest pentecostal missionaries were carried in mainline religious publications throughout Europe and North America during the years 1908 to 1910.  When pointing out that these enthusiasts arrived expecting to preach in tongues but soon found the natives could not understand a word of their ecstatic speech, Todd always “named names”--and he always named T. J. McIntosh first.  The last we see of McIntosh, he had left preaching to live on a South Carolina farm.  Shortly thereafter, the North Carolina Conference of the Pentecostal Holiness Church voted to withdraw his ordination “on the grounds of apostasy.”         

            So for years McIntosh has been at best an interesting, if slightly embarrassing, footnote to the early history of the IPHC.  However, the recent work of historian Daniel Bays, demonstrating the powerful impact of pentecostalism on the development of Christianity in China, has focused serious attention on McIntosh’s pioneering ministry for the first time in nearly ninety years.[2]  Hence, in 1999 I started a file on him in hopes that someday I would have enough information to piece together his story.  That day has come.

            When the Annual Conference of the Holiness Church of North Carolina met in November 1906, McIntosh became the group’s first ordained preacher from outside the state.  One of their ministers was conspicuous by his absence.  G. B. Cashwell had traveled to Los Angeles to check out firsthand the reports that a modern pentecost had begun at the Apostolic Faith Mission on Azusa Street.  Returning in late December, Cashwell immediately began to preach the baptism of the Holy Ghost as a third work of grace, subsequent to sanctification, obtainable by faith, and evidenced by glossolalia.  During the first several weeks of 1907, a tobacco warehouse along the Atlantic Coast rails in Dunn became “Azusa East.”  Preachers and laity from a number of different groups flocked to Cashwell’s meetings to seek their personal pentecost.  McIntosh was among them.  After speaking in tongues, he told J. M. Pike, veteran holiness preacher and editor of The Way of Faith, “that he was called to the mission work in China, and believed that the Lord had given him the language.”  Finding the young man “untrained, utterly without  knowledge of the field,” and without “a dollar in the world,” Pike urged caution, but McIntosh was “filled with holy enthusiasm, and overflowing with love for perishing souls, and felt called to go at once.”[3] 

            In February, just after the Dunn meetings concluded, McIntosh convinced Cashwell to accompany him to Berkeley County, South Carolina.  This was probably McIntosh’s home, for he had friends and family there, and he often returned to the St. Stephens community when he was not overseas.  Annie McIntosh’s aunt, Anne Kirby, preached there with the future  Pentecostal Holiness leader F. M. Britton.  For several years Britton had led a group called “the saints or Church of God” who kept the Old Testament Feast of Pentecost and met only in upper rooms in hopes that God would pour out the “latter rain” on them.  McIntosh took an active role in helping Cashwell convince them that there was a better path to the promised endtime blessing.  In short order, the Brittons, Kirby, and more than twenty others had received the pentecostal experience complete with the “Bible evidence.”[4]

            For the next several months, the McIntoshs drop from sight, but by June they were crossing America “on faith.”  Calculating that he would need $400 to get his family to the other side of the world, McIntosh had the prospect of some support from the Berkelely Camp Meeting, as well as from the readers of The Apostolic Evangel, the Georgia-based paper of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church.  He left, however, without the official sanction of his own denomination.  In Memphis, McIntosh spoke in tongues “to a Chinaman on the street,” who said “that he understood me, and that I talked to him about God and the Spirit.”  Once at Azusa Street, he felt God impressing him to go to a place called “Macao.”  Never having heard of it, he was relieved to locate the Portuguese colony on a map of the southern Chinese coast.  For some reason, perhaps because McIntosh refused to test his gift in the Chinese section of Los Angeles, the leadership of the Apostolic Faith Mission refused to undertake his support, but several individuals gave him enough money to head north for San Francisco and passage to the Orient.[5] 

            When the McIntoshs arrived in Macao on August 7th, they found an expectant audience.  Twenty-five missionaries (most of them vacationing on the coast during the hottest part of the year) and five or six natives crowded into a room that night “to learn of Pentecost.” Apparently undeterred by his inability to preach in Chinese, McIntosh focused his message on the revelation that true Holy Ghost baptism would be marked by unknown tongues.  Several came close to receiving that night, McIntosh reported, and the power of God fell on one man causing him “to roll the floor and shout.”  While S. C. and Lillian Todd were away on a lengthy trip to Japan, residents of their Macao mission home helped the McIntoshs rent a house, find furniture, and set up nightly meetings.[6] 

            Despite the initial interest, Macao proved hard ground.  In a letter dated August 22nd, McIntosh complained that “the devil has crept in” and all but two or three of the missionaries “have quit seeking.”  More interest existed among the natives.  That evening, for example, “three Chinese girls received the baptism and spoke in tongues.”  Immediately “two ladies came running upstairs and tried to stop them.”  When McIntosh “rebuked them in the name of Jesus,”  they promised to have the Portuguese government deport him.  By the end of the month, however, two vacationing missionaries from the Christian and Missionary Alliance station at Wuchow had been baptized in the Holy Ghost, and at least two residents of the Todds’ mission home were earnestly “tarrying.”[7] 

            September was a month of harvest.  A wealthy resident of Canton, after donating money, a watch, and an organ to McIntosh’s ministry, invited him to come and preach in his home.  After two weeks in Canton, thirty-three Chinese had been filled with the Spirit.  Meanwhile, pentecostal revival broke out in Wuchow once the two missionaries returned.  At least six of their colleagues, and an even larger number of Chinese Christians, spoke in tongues there.  “Just think,” McIntosh wrote in late September, “in about one month seventy have received the Holy Ghost with Bible evidence.  About fourteen are missionaries, and the rest are Chinese.”[8]                           

            The revival among the missionaries cooled off quickly that Fall, especially once S. C. Todd returned from Japan.  In Yokohama, he had visited a pentecostal service held by “a party of about a dozen missionaries from the state of Washington.”  Two of these, May Law and Rosa Pittman, soon left Japan “because they felt they had the gift of the `Hongkong’ dialect.”  Once there, they joined forces with A. G. and Lillian Garr, who had taken the Azusa message to India a year earlier and had just arrived in the city.  On Todd’s trip home, he attended two of their services.  Arriving in Macao, he found McIntosh no more able to preach in tongues than the pentecostals he encountered in Japan and Hong Kong.  This proved a keen disappointment to Todd.  For more than a year he had followed accounts of the Los Angeles outpouring and “rejoiced that the hard problem of acquiring these heathen languages had been solved.”  Yet he also had experience with the consequences of misguided enthusiasm, having dealt for several years with two “young ladies” who had come to Macao around 1903 mistakenly “expecting to speak in the native tongue” only to backslide.  Ultimately, though, it was McIntosh’s insistence that all who were truly baptized in the Holy Spirit would speak in tongues that most troubled Todd, along with the youthful preacher’s “harsh, repulsive, denunciatory Spirit” with those who disagreed with him.[9]

            In turn, McIntosh must also have been troubled by the reaction of Todd, whose support he had reason to expect.  While the two South Carolinians had never met, they had many common acquaintances.  As the Christian and Missionary Alliance’s Field Superintendent for the Southern States from 1898 to 1900, Todd helped his hometown friend and fellow Presbyterian evangelist, N. J. Holmes, establish the Altamont Bible Institute, and he also conducted the first Falcon Camp Meeting as a CMA “missionary convention.”  In 1901 Todd, Holmes, and J. M. Pike moved their respective ministries to Atlanta in an attempt to create a southern version of the CMA’s New York complex.  Todd also continued to work with the leaders of the Holiness Church of North Carolina through their mutual involvement in the overseas missions efforts of J. O. McClurkan’s Pentecostal Mission in Nashville.  Although Todd and his wife, a former CMA missionary to China, left America for Macao in 1904, he maintained contact with his holiness friends in the South.[10]

            In October 1907, Todd wrote a fairly open-minded letter to Holmes, asking his opinion of the “tongues movement” and requesting that the Altamont community have special prayer for his mission in Macao.  His old friend sent a detailed defense of the pentecostal message, along with the assurance that the entire school had sought God for three hours and “felt great victory for the cause of Christ there.”  Holmes added, “We trust peace and unity of Spirit may prevail.”  But it was not to be.  McIntosh gave Todd a disturbing letter to mail to F. M. Britton.  It contained more than one hundred and fifty Chinese-looking characters, with the note, “As I was Righting to you the Spirit came on me to Right in what I believe to be the Chinese language[.]  Glory to God.”  Todd never mailed it.  He soon received an even more troubling letter from an acquaintance in Alabama, the mother of future Pentecostal Holiness missionary Anna Deane Cole, “saying her fourteen-year-old daughter has the gift of tongues and can speak some dozen languages, and . . . feels called to China.  She wishes to know what kind of clothes to make up for her.”  “Think of it!” the outraged Todd wrote.  “If that mother knew the awful sweep of heathenism, with its deadening, soul-sapping power, she would hold her child to her bosom and say, `not yet.’”  Todd suffered another blow when one of his colleagues, Fannie Winn, left his  mission after praying through to pentecost with the McIntoshs.  By January 1908, Todd’s reports of the “sad failures” of the pentecostal missionaries had begun to appear in religious periodicals in America.  The accounts invariably started with McIntosh.[11]

            Pike immediately defended McIntosh in his widely-read paper.  Admitting that God seemed to be “using unpromising material as never before,” he wondered why Todd did not recognize “the young man’s Christian love and zeal” when pointing out his failures.  After all, Pike concluded, “notwithstanding the mistake regarding the language, God is greatly using the new missionary in spreading the Pentecostal fire.”  But the truth is that McIntosh made few advances in Macao once Todd came against him, and he frequently thought about moving on.  Early during his stay in China, McIntosh nearly left when someone told him his tongues were not Chinese but “the Malay language.”  In November, McIntosh reported that the colonial officials “have twice forbidden us to make any noise” and have “made a new law that all foreigners must register.”  On his way home from registering, McIntosh suddenly felt another calling as “something within me began . . . to say, `Go on your way to Palestine, to the country or town called Shaaraim.’”[12] 

            By the end of the year, McIntosh was spending an increasing amount of time visiting with A. G. Garr, eventually expressing a desire to move to Hong Kong and consolidate their efforts.  In particular, he felt a burden to publish a pentecostal paper in Chinese.  God gave him the name, Pentecostal Truths, and showed him that “it was going all over China.”  Mok Lai Chi, a Hong Kong schoolmaster who served as Garr’s interpreter, helped get the paper off the ground and quickly took it over.  McIntosh could not seem to find his place.  The arrival in January of two new missionaries, Sister McIntosh’s aunt Anne Kirby and her teenage companion Mabel Evans, failed to revive the movement in Macao.  By February, they left with Fannie Winn for Canton, hoping to build on McIntosh’s earlier success in the city.  Back in Macao, McIntosh complained  that Todd and other missionaries were using their influence--and their fluency in Chinese--to teach the natives “that we are under a delusion.”  But in his last letter from the city, McIntosh turned the blame on himself for failing to “abide in Christ” to the degree that he could bear miraculous fruit.[13]

            In May 1907 the McIntosh family, recently increased by the birth of another child, left for Palestine.  Again traveling “on faith,” they arrived in Jerusalem knowing no one and with only seventy cents to spare.  They soon met pentecostal missionary Lucy Leatherman, who helped them get a room.  We know little of McIntosh’s ministry there, not even if he ever made it to Shaaraim.  He did tour the holy sites.  At Gethsemane, McIntosh explained, “the Holy Spirit spoke with my tongue to a priest, and he threw his arms around me and patted me on the shoulder, and repeated the same words that the Spirit spoke with my tongue.”[14] 

            After a few months in Palestine, McIntosh returned to America to recharge for another missionary venture.  At the Atlanta Camp Meeting, the Church of God in Christ Convocation,  and the Annual Conference of the Holiness Church of North Carolina, he found great interest in his “missionary talks.”  This gave him the idea to write a book of his adventures that he could sell and use the proceeds to finance a pentecostal tent crusade from Egypt to China.  McIntosh and family wintered in Columbia, sharing the living quarters at Pike’s Oliver Gospel Mission with the A. E. Robinson family.  We hear little from them during this time but do know that their baby died at some point in late 1908 or early 1909.  In April McIntosh announced that he had finished his book and would get it printed as soon as he had the money.[15]

            The book was finally printed in August 1909, just in time for the Falcon Camp Meeting.  By then, McIntosh had purchased or borrowed a tent and was preaching his way through the Carolinas.  His services were loud and effective, with the saints sometimes “leaping and shouting and speaking in tongues until 12 o’clock.”  Outside the tent, young people fell on their faces to pray for souls.  McIntosh rejoiced that God miraculously confirmed his “full salvation” preaching, in particular by empowering him to cast out demons.  But that October in Rockingham, North Carolina, a large mob led by the mayor and deputy sheriff pulled down the tent he had planned to take to Asia and burned it.[16]

            We next catch sight of the McIntoshs celebrating Thanksgiving at the Upper Room Mission in Los Angeles.  According to Annie McIntosh, “we took the Lord’s supper, . . . washed the Saints’ feet, shouted, prayed, and sang together of that man that died for us!”  In December, they left America once more, leading a group of at least nine to work with the Garrs in Hong Kong.  Shortly after their arrival, though, the Garrs departed unexpectedly for Bombay, leaving T. J. McIntosh in charge of their recently-opened mission home and its residents.  Here he would work directly with May Law, Anna Deane, Mok Lai Chi, and many others throughout 1910.[17]

            At first a great spirit of expectancy filled the mission on Wanchai Road.  In early February, after several sick children had been healed in response to prayers by the pentecostal band, large crowds began to gather each evening.  One missionary wrote that they would bang loudly on the mission doors to gain admission and then often stand around “as though spellbound” after the meeting ended.  On one particularly memorable night, the doors were never opened.  As McIntosh explained, “Mok said that there was one of the Chinese brothers who was seeking the Holy Ghost and that God was evidently working on him:  so I suggested that we do not yet open the doors and let the heathen in, but have prayer with the saints and try to get this brother through.”  For more than three hours, “the power fell on us, and three Chinese men received the baptism and three or four more were under the power.”  The workers “leaped, danced, shouted and talked in tongues until about eleven o’clock.”  “We are looking to God for great things in South China,” McIntosh wrote the next day.[18]         

            Despite these initial successes, the mission soon began to founder under McIntosh’s leadership.  In April Mok moved his ministry across the city to Caine Road, and Anna Deane followed him with her fledgling school for girls.  Thereafter, the crowds declined on Wanchai Road.  McIntosh twice reported that “the work was moving on,” but noted that only a few Chinese were receiving the Holy Ghost.  Increasingly, he put much of his energy into wrestling with a second book (which was never published).  A bold witness to pentecost, McIntosh seems to have struggled whenever his calling required that he write or teach.  In July, Mok complained that a skilled Bible instructor was desperately needed in Hong Kong to counteract the doctrinal divisions created among the city’s pentecostals by “no hellism” and finished work teachings.  In the same letter, he also noted that McIntosh felt called to leave for Jerusalem the following month, and that the mission home would probably close.[19]

            McIntosh did not go to Jerusalem in August but kept the struggling mission alive by relocating to a less expensive house across the bay in Kowloon.  Merely paying the bills, however, did not satisfy him.  “We are still sowing and plowing in hope, and trusting God to give the increase,” McIntosh admitted in early October, but “the work is moving along slowly here.”  Amid the discouragement, a new vision began to stir in him.  Some of the residents of  his mission, including May Law and several of the young women who accompanied her to China in late 1907, “have been studying the language, the people and their customs long enough to begin to do active work among them:  they are really anxious to go inland to the needy cities where they have no missions, and they OUGHT TO BE SENT FORTH!”  McIntosh explored the interior beyond Canton by rail and discovered Sai Nam, a city of more than a hundred thousand people and “not a foreign resident or foreign missionary in it.”  Immediately he could see that it “would be better to have a headquarters at Sai-nam than Hong Kong.”  Not only would money stretch much farther in Sai Nam; within five miles of the city “about a million people” lived in “scores of villages,” each in need of a pentecostal missionary presence.  Without consultation, McIntosh “moved forward in the name of the Lord,” renting a building Sai Nam and beginning the renovations necessary to move his team of missionaries inland.[20]              

            McIntosh’s plans seem to have caused some tension with Mok and Deane, who pressured unsuccessfully several of the more experienced American women to remain in Hong Kong.  Meanwhile J. H. King arrived with a large group of new missionaries, most with their agendas still open to the Spirit’s guidance.  In answer to Mok’s prayer for effective teaching, King lectured and preached at the mission on Caine Road for more than a month to the growing crowd of American and Chinese pentecostal workers in the city.  During this “convention,” McIntosh apparently convinced King and his party that the most fruitful ground lay in the interior.  By December, the entire group moved on to Sai Nam, where King taught for more two months before continuing his world tour of pentecostal missions.  Most of his traveling companions, though, stayed with McIntosh, Law, and the others who had moved from Kowloon, helping them build a church, school, and orphanage over the next several months.  Yet just as McIntosh appeared to be entering his most stable period of ministry in China, he suddenly took his family back to Jerusalem, where, he wrote, “the Lord gave me Jer. 12:11” and “the impression that I should open a home here for these poor beggar Jews.”  Homer Faulkner, who had traveled extensively with King in North America before accompanying him to China, assumed leadership in Sai Nam and reorganized the work “along independent lines.”[21]                                    

            At this point T. J. McIntosh nearly disappears from sight.  In November 1911 he is living once again in South Carolina.  About the same time, The Bridegroom’s Messenger stopped offering his book for sale, and the North Carolina Conference of the PHC voted to give him $103 to cover his personal indebtedness at Sai Nam.  At the 1912 North Carolina Annual Conference,  McIntosh received an appointment as general conference evangelist, served on the missions committee with J. H. King and PHC General Superintendent S. D. Page, and listed his address as South Lynchburg, South Carolina.  The only subsequent mention of McIntosh is his expulsion from the PHC the following year “on the grounds of apostasy.”[22]

            What are we to make of so mercurial a figure in IPHC history?  His flaws are painfully obvious.  McIntosh could not preach in tongues (while he was not alone in this failure, no one else was so widely ridiculed for it); he tended to rebuke his critics when he felt backed into a corner; his reliance on visions, impressions, and voices led him to start many projects and finish none; and in the end he seems to have lost his faith.  But as J. M. Pike suggested when he defended McIntosh from S. C. Todd’s attacks, we need to judge his ministry with some Christian “charity and forbearance.”  When McIntosh encountered the power of the Holy Ghost, he did not allow his lack of money, education, or experience to deter him.  Fully trusting “the supply of the Spirit,” he stormed ahead when others hesitated.  In 1907 this boldness made him the first person to take the pentecostal message to China, where the movement is still flourishing despite decades of communist oppression.  In 1908 it led him to launch Pentecostal Truths, the Chinese language paper that perhaps did more than any other enterprise to broadcast the full gospel message throughout the nation.[23]  In 1909 it helped him rebound from the destruction of his dream for a pan-Asia tent crusade to travel once more to China “on faith.”  And in 1910 it gave him the courage to move his family to Sai Nam, an area known for fever and floods, to establish the first Pentecostal Holiness mission in the interior of China.  Whatever his shortcomings and ultimate fate, for nearly five years T. J. McIntosh continually confirmed Pike’s initial assessment of him as a man “filled with holy enthusiasm, and overflowing with love for perishing souls.”[24]


[1] Annie E. McIntosh traveled and ministered with her husband wherever he went.  Their daughter’s name was Hazel.

[2] E.g., Daniel H. Bays, “Christian Revival in China, 1900-1937,” in Modern Christian Revivals, ed. Edith L. Blumhofer and Randall Balmer (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 161-179; and Bays, “The Protestant Missionary Establishment and the Pentecostal Movement,” in Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism, ed. Blumhofer, et al. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 50-67.

[3] Vinson Synan, Old Time Power: A Centennial History of the International Pentecostal Holiness Church (Franklin Springs, GA: LifeSprings Resources, 1998), 97-101; “A Plea for Charity and Forbearance,” Bridegroom’s Messenger [hereafter BM], 1 April 1908, 2 [reprinted from the 12 March 1908 issue of Way of Faith].

[4] “Mrs. Britton’s Testimony,” BM, 1 January 1908, 3; G. B. Cashwell, “Hundreds Baptized in the South,” Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), February-March 1907, 3.

[5] Three letters from McIntosh (dated June 18, July 5, and July 14, 1907) appear on page 7 of an undated loose sheet from The Apostolic Evangel (Royston, GA).  By September 1907 this paper was discontinued.  The next month Cashwell launched The Bridegroom’s Messenger in Atlanta, which thereafter became McIntosh’s primary connection with the burgeoning pentecostal movement in the South.

[6] “Bro. McIntosh’s Letter,” BM, 1 October 1907, 2; “Macao, China, August 22, 1907,” BM, 1 October 1907, 4.

[7] Ibid.; Bays, “Protestant Missionary Establishment,” 52, 58-59.

[8] “Macao, China,” Apostolic Faith (Houston), October 1908, 4 [despite the publication date, internal evidence clearly dates this McIntosh letter to September 1907].  For a firsthand account of the Wuchow revival, see Ethel F. Landis, “Pentecost in South China,” BM, 1 March 1908, 2 [a reprint from Way of Faith, this letter is dated 10 October 1907].  For more information about Canton, see “From Mok Lai Chi,” Upper Room (Los Angeles), August 1910, 5-6.  According to Mok, a “Brother and Sister Ho,” whose affluence came “in former years from selling medicines and pills,” hosted McIntosh there.  They subsequently used their wealth to “hire several men to go out as colporters” and to “fix a large room in their house for a preaching hall.”  At least one other prominent businessman “spoke in tongues in Brother Ho’s house during Brother McIntosh’s visit.”  Shortly thereafter, this man established the Salvation Church and, after a disappointing effort “to unite all the Chinese Christians into one body,” turned the pastorate over to his son, Lo Heung Lun.  Lo’s sister, Ho Se Tai, also “threw open her house as a preaching hall to the heathen,” despite the objections of her husband and sons.  As a consequence of McIntosh’s initial visit, Mok reflected in 1910, “God has three places in Canton where the full gospel is being preached.  They are all independent and need no financial help.”   

[9] S. C. Todd, “Some Sad Failures of Tongues in Mission Fields,” Baptist Argus, 23 January 1908, 1-2; N. J. Holmes, “Parts of a Letter Written to a Missionary Some years Ago,” Altamont Witness, 22 May 1912, 2-3 [the letter is dated 31 October 1907]; Todd, An Open Letter (Macao, n.d.); E. May Law, Pentecostal Mission Work in South China (Falcon, NC: Falcon Publishing Company, n.d. [c.1916], 1-2.  Perhaps the “young ladies,” like Todd, had been exposed to the teaching of A. B. Simpson’s Christianity and Missionary Alliance, which had anticipated the restoration of “mission tongues” at least since 1892 (see Gary B McGee, “The Radical Strategy in Missions: The Linkage of Paranormal Phenomena with Evangelism,” in The Holy Spirit and Mission Dynamics, Evangelical Missiological Society Series #5, ed. C. Douglas McConnell [Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1997], 69-95).  The leadership of the CMA mission in Wuchow eventually took a position similar to Todd’s, though without denying that the September 1907 revival had been a “season of special outpouring” (e.g., see R. A. Jaffray, “`Speaking in Tongues’--Some Words of Kindly Counsel,” Christian and Missionary Alliance, 13 March 1909, 395-396).

[10] N. J. Holmes and Wife [Lucy Simpson Holmes], Life Sketches and Sermons (Royston, GA: Press of the Pentecostal Holiness Church), 95; V. Mayo Bundy, ed., A History of Falcon, North Carolina (Charlotte, NC: Herb Eaton, 1980), 79-81; “The Pentecostal Mission,” Zion’s Outlook (Nashville), 7 November 1901, 9; Minutes of the Pentecostal Mission in Records of the Founding Bodies (microfilm of manuscript originals), Church of the Nazarene Archives.

[11] Holmes, “Parts of a Letter,” 2-3; C. W. Shumway, “A Study of `The Gift of Tongues’” (A.B.  thesis, University of Southern California, 1914), 181-182; Todd, “Some Sad Failures,” 2; “Brother McIntosh’s Letter, BM, 1 February 1908, 4; Fannie Winn, “How God Has Blessed the Work of Our Missionaries in China,” BM, 1 June 1908, 2.

[12] Pike, “A Plea for Charity,” 2; “Macao, China,” Apostolic Faith (Houston), 4; “Bro. McIntosh’s Letter,” BM, 1 February 1908, 4.  Todd’s undated tract, An Open Letter, seems to have been a response to Pike’s description of his initial circular as “an act of refined cruelty.”

[13] “Letter From Brother Garr,” BM, 1 March 1908, 4; “Letter From Brother McIntosh,” BM, 1 April 1908, 1; “From Mok Lai Chi,” Upper Room, September 1909, 6; “Letter From China,” BM, 1 May 1908, 1; “Letter From China,” BM 15 May 1908, 1; “Letter From Brother McIntosh,” BM, 1 June 1908, 4.  For insight into McIntosh’s struggle to “believe that it is a real language that the Spirit speaks with my tongue,” while admitting that his tongues speech had proven unintelligible to the Chinese, see his brief letter in the “Special Supplement” to the May 1908 issue of Confidence (Sunderland, England), 1.  

[14] “Brother McIntosh in Jerusalem--God’s Wonderful Leading,” BM, 1 July 1908, 1; “Missionaries to Palestine,” Apostolic Faith (Los Angeles), May 1908, 4.

[15] Elizabeth A. Sexton, “Showers of Latter Rain Blessing,” BM, 1 November 1908, 1; Homer A. Tomlinson, ed., Diary of A. J. Tomlinson, vol. 1 (Queens Village, NY: The Church of God World Headquarters, 1949), 75-76; Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Convention of the Holiness Church of North Carolina, 26  November 1908; untitled notice in BM, 15 November 1908, 2; untitled notice in BM, 1 April 1909, 2; “From Brother T. J. McIntosh,” BM, 15 May 1909, 2.

[16] “From Brother McIntosh,” BM, 15 May 1909, 4; “Revival at Honey, Hill, S. C.,” BM, 1 July 1909, 2; “The Life and Work of  T. J. McIntosh and Wife and Little Girl, Around the World by Faith,” Apostolic Evangel (Falcon, NC), 15 August 1909, 4; “From Brother McIntosh,” BM, 1 October 1909, 3; “A Note From Brother McIntosh,” Way of Faith, 14 October 1909, 8; “From Brother McIntosh,” BM, 1 November 1909, 2.

[17] “From Sister McIntosh,” Upper Room, January 1911, 7; “Brother and Sister Dixon” and “Mok Lai Chi,” Upper Room, March 1900, 5; “Hong Kong, China,” BM, 15 March 1910, 1.  Law and Deane later became Pentecostal Holiness missionaries.  Deane was the aunt of Anna Deane Cole, who left for China as a teenager in 1911 and served the PHC there from 1915 to 1962.  

[18] T. J. McIntosh, “Brother and Sister McIntosh,” Upper Room, April 1910, 6; “Brother McIntosh’s Letter,” BM, 1 April 1910, 1.  See the parallel accounts by Annie McIntosh (Upper Room, May 1910, 6) and Mok Lai Chi (Upper Room, April 1910, 5; BM, 1 May 1910, 2).

[19] “Mok Lai Chi,” Upper Room, June 1910, 5; Cora Fritsch Faulkner, Letters from Cora, comp. Homer Fritsch and Alice Fritsch (N.p., 1987), 64; “Hong Kong, China,” BM, 15 March 1910, 1; “Brother McIntosh’s Letter,” BM, 1 April 1910, 1; “Hong Kong, China,” BM, 1 April 1910, 4; “Hong Kong, China,” BM, 15 July 1910, 2; “From Our Chinese Brother,” BM, 1 September 1910, 4.

[20] Letters from Cora, 69-70; “Brother McIntosh’s Appeal for South China,” Upper Room, November 1910, 8; “From Brother and Sister McIntosh,” BM, 1 December 1910, 3.

[21] Letters from Cora, 73-82; “From Brother J. H. King, Hong Kong, China,” BM, 15 January 1911, 2; Joseph H. King and Blanche L. King, Yet Speaketh: Memoirs of the Late Bishop Joseph H. King (Franklin Springs, GA: Publishing House of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, 1949), 163-168; “Letter From Our Chinese Co-Workers,” BM, 1 February 1911, 2; “Another Pentecostal Mission,” BM, 1 June 1912, 4.  McIntosh placed the Sai Nam mission under the auspices of his denomination, now called the Pentecostal Holiness Church of North Carolina (see “Hong Kong, China,” Upper Room, May 1911, 5).  While King was in Sai Nam, back in America his Fire-Baptized Holiness Church merged with McIntosh’s smaller group to form the Pentecostal Holiness Church (Synan, Old Time Power, 120-125).  After McIntosh’s departure from China, Faulkner severed the mission’s tie with the PHC and by late 1912 embraced the “finished work” view of sanctification (see “From Bro. Faulkner,” Word and Witness [Malvern, AR], 20 December 1912, 4).  Faulkner returned to America shortly after the sudden death of his new bride Cora in December 1912.  Then George Kelley and Adell Harrison, who had traveled to China with King, assumed leadership in Sai Nam.  By 1916, they had led the work into the Assemblies of God (e.g., see Adell Harrison, “News of the Orphan Work in China” and Willa B. Lowther, “Work Among the Chinese Boys,” Weekly Evangel [St. Louis], 18 March 1916; and, George Kelley, “Sai Nam, South China,” Weekly Evangel, 23 June 1917, 13). 

[22] Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Convention of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, North  Carolina, 21-23 November 1911; Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Convention of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, North Carolina, 19-21 November 1912; Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Convention of the Pentecostal Holiness Church of North Carolina, 18-20   November 1913.

[23] Daniel Bays suggests this possibility in his “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900-1937: A Pentecostal Case Study,” in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, ed. Steven Kaplan (New York and London: New York University Press, 1995), 124-143 (especially  129).

[24] Pike, “A Plea for Charity,” 2.


*Presentation at the International Pentecostal Holiness Church Archives Luncheon, 24th General Conference, Cincinnati, Ohio, August 9, 2001


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